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    You are at:Home » Blog » Understanding Chinese whispers
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    Understanding Chinese whispers

    Nalin MehtaBy Nalin MehtaMay 21, 2012Updated:April 5, 2015No Comments4 Mins Read
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    Ten months ago, the Indian and Chinese navies were muscling up to each other in the South China Sea. But last week a Chinese training ship docked at Kochi as part of a round-the-world voyage. It had an Indian cadet on board. Later this month, four Indian ships will call at Shanghai.

    India and China are clearly doing better at reaching an understanding on the ocean waves than on the air waves. The sailors are getting to know each other but with honourable exceptions media organizations on both sides continue to report on each other’s country with the astonishment of a panda bumping into an elephant on a dark night.

    In the past two months, there has been talk of establishing an Indo-China Media Forum and Zee TV has been given rights to broadcast into China, just as CCTV was given approval by New Delhi in 2008, but for two countries constituting the world’s largest media markets, the process is glacial and this has consequences for international relations.

    In India, a sentiment prevails that every media outlet in China has its strings pulled from Beijing. For the Chinese, the Indian press seems out of control yet deliberately trumpeting a hostile, official line. Such simplistic approaches impact daily diplomacy. For example, three years ago, following reports of incursions on the disputed border with China, the then National Security Advisor appeared on television with a warning that “if this thing goes on like this someone somewhere might lose his cool and something might go wrong.”

    The Chinese barely understand the stunning diversity of the Indian press and its anti-establishment impulses. Similarly though the Chinese media must survive scrutiny from the Communist Party and government, they are more diverse than we give them credit for. Like India, China also has more than a 100 million newspapers circulating every day and the country’s media outlets, as in India, now depend on advertising, not government grants, to pay their bills; even though government agencies appoint editors and publishers.

    Few know that China’s publishing and distribution industry has more than 44 listed companies. Last month, the online portal of the Communist Party’s mouthpiece since 1948, the People’s Daily, was listed on the Shanghai Stock Exchange in an initial public offering that raised nearly three times the original fundraising target.

    Chinese cities and institutions run newspapers and television stations with varying degrees of autonomy and many of them have unusual degrees of openness. This allows coverage to be calibrated and it is difficult to get a handle on who really represents the official view, as seasoned China-watchers point out. For example, in the recent fracas with the United States over blind dissident Chen Guangcheng theBeijing Daily, not one of the national outlets, took the lead in berating US authorities. Similarly, the party-owned English tabloid, the Global Times, often takes hawkish views on India but its populism seems to be driven at least as much as by market forces as more conventional top-down ideas.
    Also, what gets broadcast internationally from China on its new global CCTV network may not be disseminated in China itself. For example, the editorial line on what the Chinese broadcast on the CCTV’s Africa feed can be different from what they broadcast into the US.

    Indian policy makers are only now beginning to comprehend the immense investment in global media that China is undertaking. Where private Indian media organizations keep only a handful of foreign bureaus, Chinese state-owned media have gone worldwide with foreign correspondents from the news agency Xinhua and other organizations based in more than 100 countries In terms of what Joseph Nye called soft power, India has not begun to harness the power of its growing television industry, in spite of the fact that private Indian channels have developed strong global audiences among South Asian diasporas.

    It is obviously not the job of a free press to foster better relations with other countries. The media’s job is to report about issues but it is undeniable that the growth of different kinds of the media industries in both countries does have a powerful impact in terms of perceptions and not something that can be ignored.

    China Chinese media diplomacy international relations
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    Nalin Mehta is Managing Editor, Moneycontrol, Chief AI Officer - Editorial Operations, Network18 and Non-Resident Senior Fellow, Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. He is an award-winning Indian journalist, political scientist and author who has held senior leadership positions in major media companies and educational institutions; served as an international civil servant with the UN and the Global Fund in Geneva, Switzerland; taught and held research positions at universities and institutions in Australia (La Trobe University, ANU), Singapore (NUS), Switzerland (International Olympic Museum) and India (Shiv Nadar University, IIM Bangalore). Most recently, he has been Dean and Professor at School of Modern Media, UPES University. He has previously been Group Consulting Editor, Network18; Executive Editor, The Times of India-Online, Managing Editor, India Today (TV channel) and Consulting Editor, The Times of India. Mehta is the author of several best-selling and critically acclaimed books, including The New BJP: Modi and the Making of the World’s Largest Political Party (hailed as a ‘seminal’ work, No. 1 on Amazon’s bestseller lists for 26 consecutive weeks in 2022, and republished worldwide in several languages); India’s Techade: Digital Revolution and Change in the World’s Largest Democracy, India on Television (Asian Publishing Award for Best Book on Asian Media, 2009), Behind a Billion Screens (Longlisted as Business Book of the Year, Tata Literature Live, 2015) and Dreams of a Billion (2022 Ekamra Sports Book of the Year Award, co-authored). His edited books include Gujarat Beyond Gandhi (co-editor), Television in India and The Changing Face of Cricket (co-editor). Mehta is a DFID-Commonwealth scholar with a Ph.D in Political Science from Trobe University, Melbourne; M.A. International Relations from University of East Anglia, UK; and B.A. Journalism (Honours) from University of Delhi.

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    Nalin Mehta is Managing Editor, Moneycontrol, Chief AI Officer - Editorial Operations, Network18 and Non-Resident Senior Fellow, Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. He is an award-winning Indian journalist, political scientist and author who has held senior leadership positions in major media companies and educational institutions; served as an international civil servant with the UN and the Global Fund in Geneva, Switzerland; taught and held research positions at universities and institutions in Australia (La Trobe University, ANU), Singapore (NUS), Switzerland (International Olympic Museum) and India (Shiv Nadar University, IIM Bangalore).

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